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The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willy Münzenberg, Moscow's Secret Propaganda Tsar in the West, 1917-1940
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Review
An impressive piece of work, clearly the most detailed and thorough account of the life and machinations of an important Communist functionary."
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From the Back Cover
"An impressive piece of work, clearly the most detailed and thorough account of the life and machinations of an important Communist functionary."-Harvey Klehr, coauthor of The Secret World of American Communism and The Soviet World of American Communism
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Product details
Hardcover: 416 pages
Publisher: Yale University Press; 1St Edition edition (January 1, 2004)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0300098472
ISBN-13: 978-0300098471
Product Dimensions:
6.1 x 1.1 x 9.2 inches
Shipping Weight: 1.6 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review:
3.7 out of 5 stars
6 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
#1,450,225 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
After reading this book, I was surprised I hadn't previously taken notice of the "Red Millionaire," Willi Munzenberg. Sean McMeekin brings to light one of the most colorful characters of the International Communist movement, and the most successful member of Lenin's circle of old Bolshevik friends to remain independent of Moscow's direct control.Willi Munzenberg (1889-1940), according to McMeekin, was a man of many opposing virtues and vices, and his rollercoaster career in the Party reflected these contrary impulses. His initial Communist ideals were unquestionable; he related intimately with the worker class and was trusted by nearly all those around him; he was creative, articulate, undeniably intelligent. At the same time, he was an egotist, spendthrift, confidence man, and publicity hound. Munzenberg never questioned his own ability or ideas, and failure after failure in his career failed to change this. In retrospect, many of his projects glorified their author rather than the Party he represented to the West. By the time of his untoward death in 1940, the reader feels that the international Communist cause may have been better off had they found a less interesting and more pedestrian spokesperson.Overall, the Red Millionaire is an excellent read, engagingly written and filled with detailed psychological portraits of many of the important Communists after WWI. This book is a breath of fresh air compared to the many impenetrable texts describing the same period. I highly recommend this book for anyone else interested in Communist history and the interwar period in which Munzenberg operated. I give it a 5 out of 5 stars.
No matter how many books about Soviet espionage you read, there always seems to be more to know. Among agents, CPUSA members, and fellow-travelers, the USA was thoroughly infiltrated. As one Soviet spymaster noted: "Even in Weimar, we never had it this good."
Very interesting hero of the book.Incredibly interesting. Unfortunately literary abilities of author rather mediocre. Narration is boring and not exciting. Sorry about this
In the best biographies, the writers get inside the skin of their subjects without feeling overly uncomfortable. Where this is not the case, the biographer can end up hating or despising him, which generally makes for a tiresome reading experience. When the bias shows through too clearly, this inevitably calls forth resistance on the part of the reader. What we have here is a thoroughly researched life of a figure the author at the very least disapproves of.McMeekin has scoured archives far and wide, even consulting Herbert Wehner's unpublished memoirs. He has certainly dug deeply, gaining access to police files which throw remarkable light on Münzenberg's activities in Swiss exile during World War I. After that, Münzenberg seems to have concentrated less on revolutionary activity and turned much more decisively towards profiteering in the early 1920s, scamming the Soviet government or knowingly employing those who did.McMeekin professes some surprise that Münzenberg's involvement in Soviet agriculture, real estate and heavy industry has attracted rather less attention than his film ventures. For McMeekin, Münzenberg was a wheeler-dealer, not an ideologue, and that may well be true. It is a fatal flaw, however, when a historian has an ax to grind, and the more one reads, the more annoying the sound gets. Long before the end it starts to grate on the ears. Münzenberg is said to have habitually grabbed credit where none is due (pg. 180) and to have been disingenuous (pg. 182). His whole film empire was based on a lie. (pg. 184) "Münzenberg could blame whomever he wanted for his failures, but the fact remained that he simply was not very good at distributing or promoting films to broad audiences." (pg. 185) Typically he masked his incompetence with bravado. "Here, then, was the Münzenberg model of movie moguldom. Let more talented individuals make the films. Get other, cash-richer institutions to pay for them, and, if necessary, distribute them. But make sure to take all the credit for any box-office successes." (pg. 191) On the whole, it sounds rather like he would have fit into Hollywood without the slightest problem.McMeekin ignores the truism that to get money it helps to have – or seem to have – money already. Undeniably, Münzenberg lived well, but he flaunted it at least in part so that donors, actual and potential, would have confidence in him. In the biographer's eyes, though, he is little more than a swindler.When he gets to the 1930s, McMeekin does admit that he was a talented, spellbinding orator, whose propaganda was effective in gaining seats for the KPD in the elections of 1930. On the other hand, his political acumen was faulty; he fully supported Stalin's line of denouncing social democrats as "social fascists," thus fatally splitting the left.A "familiar tactic of dissembling" is the way he describes Münzenberg's local cooperation with the SPD in Berlin while simultaneously toeing the party line and denouncing such cooperation in the pages of Inprecorr, the Comintern's "turgid official news bulletin" which was "read by few people outside the party bureaucracy." (pg. 248) One could conceivably praise Münzenberg for finding a way to do the right thing while at the same time protecting himself, instead of denouncing him for knowing how to survive by manipulating the system. What would McMeekin, writing at a comfortable distance in time and space, rather he have done – follow the party line (which he knew to be wrong) or denounce it (which he knew to be suicidal)? Yes, Münzenberg "watched his back" – is McMeekin suggesting that he shouldn't have?Though there had long been tensions with Moscow, even after his expulsion from the KPD Münzenberg refrained from denouncing the Soviet Union or its leader. "I hold to the place that I have taken since 1906 at the side of Karl Liebknecht, […] Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, and […] Lenin." (pg. 299f.) He foolishly believed he could persuade Moscow to his point of view from outside, when he had failed to do so from inside. Only when the USSR participated in the dismemberment of Poland did he finally proclaim: "socialist Russia is no more." (pg. 302)Like many others, he dithered too long and was caught up in the Nazi conquest of France. He disappeared in June 1940 while heading towards the Swiss border, probably the victim of an NKVD hit squad. His decomposed body was found hanging from a tree in a forest four months later.
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